On Saturday—marking exactly 66 years since Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz’s first address to the United Nations—Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla, a member of the Political Bureau and Minister of Foreign Affairs, took the same podium.
The gathered nations once again heard the island’s denunciation of the "collective punishment" inflicted upon it by the United States government—a crime whose "evident and immediate goal is to induce a humanitarian crisis in Cuba."
Speaking from the podium during the general debate of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly, the Foreign Minister recalled the words spoken back then by the historic leader of the Cuban Revolution, in which he condemned war, colonialism, and the exploitation of countries by monopolies.
Regarding the continued relevance of those words, he asserted: "The advance of expansionism, acts of usurpation and conquest, and military and economic aggression are alarming. The United States government's aim to impose peace through force is absurd and unachievable."
He addressed the genocidal crime of Zionism against the Palestinian people, pirate-like attacks on vessels and extrajudicial killings in the Caribbean and Pacific, military aggression against Venezuela, and the war against Iran.
His remarks also included a condemnation of the crisis of identity and relevance that has been imposed upon the UN; he therefore called for making the organization "more democratic, effective, and closer to the peoples."
The truths regarding the genocide against the Cuban people struck the Washington delegation like darts; they walked out of the room the moment they heard how the largest of the Antilles is facing "a multidimensional aggression" by their government—described by Rodríguez Parrilla as "permanent, abusive, and ruthless hostility."
He held the White House responsible for the unprecedented intensification of the blockade, noting that its impact has a human face. "The economic war is directed against the people... It claims lives, causes individual and collective suffering, and breeds anguish. It is not 'collateral damage.' It is a policy deliberately designed to strike Cuban families where it hurts most, to hinder their well-being, and to wound the dignity of the people," he asserted.
"The United States government and the State Department... have the shamelessness and cynicism to persist in blaming the Cuban government. The executioner blames the victim," he remarked. At the same time, he emphasized the threat of using military force against the island—a move intended to "nullify national sovereignty through aggression and economic strangulation."
Speaking on behalf of Cuba—a nation of peace—he addressed key issues of international concern, such as the use of information and telecommunications technologies, the imposition of unilateral coercive measures, and various conflicts around the world.
He emphasized the Island's conviction "that the current course of international relations—characterized by disrespect for international law, disregard for the United Nations, and the imposition of the most powerful nation's unilateral will upon other countries through intimidation and coercion—is dangerous and unsustainable. The law of the jungle cannot be the future of humanity," he asserted.
Address by Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cuba, at the general debate of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. New York, September 26, 2026.
Mr. President of the General Assembly:
Madam Deputy Secretary-General:
In approximately three hours, it will be exactly 66 years since Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz delivered a memorable speech from this podium, in which he stated—and I quote: "Let the philosophy of plunder cease, and the philosophy of war will cease as well! Let colonies disappear, let the exploitation of countries by monopolies disappear, and humanity will have reached a true stage of progress!"
Yet, the advance of expansionism, acts of usurpation and conquest, and military and economic aggression are alarming. The United States government's aim to impose peace through force is absurd and unachievable. Fundamental pillars of international law and the United Nations—such as the sovereign equality of States—are under constant attack.
Zionism’s genocidal crime against the Palestinian people, pirate-like attacks on vessels and extrajudicial executions in the Caribbean Sea and Pacific regions, military aggression against the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and the war against the Islamic Republic of Iran are new manifestations of this atrocity.
They also reflect the crisis of identity and relevance that has been imposed upon the United Nations—including this General Assembly, the most universal, democratic, and representative body of the international community.
We are convinced of the indispensable need to preserve and strengthen the UN, while making it more democratic, effective, and closer to the peoples of the world.
As is well known, Cuba faces multidimensional aggression from the United States government—a permanent, abusive, and ruthless hostility that has persisted for nearly seven decades. Since January 2026, this aggression has intensified and become more cruel and dangerous with the imposition of an energy blockade that, through intimidation and coercion, prohibits all countries from exporting fuel to Cuba; this amounts to a naval blockade, classified under international law as an act of war.
Through successive measures, the U.S. government has increasingly imposed prohibitions on all countries regarding products and services that cannot be exported or transported to Cuba. More than 7,000 containers have been detained at various ports—many containing food, medicines, and medical devices, or even goods contracted by private Cuban companies.
In an extraordinary and unprecedented move, a superpower unilaterally deprives all States of the right to export whatever products they wish to whichever countries they choose, while comprehensively and persistently violating the freedom of trade and navigation.
Added to this are the intimidation of businesspeople from various countries, forcing them to abandon their investments and business dealings in Cuba against their will; the obstacles and traps laid to prevent the arrival of entirely legitimate commercial shipments; the pressure exerted to halt the flow of visitors and tourists; and the concerted effort to restrict, as much as possible, Cuba’s legitimate access to financing, technology, and markets.
Matters have reached the extreme point where sovereign governments are subjected to unimaginable pressure to forgo medical services—services they themselves requested for the benefit of their populations and which are provided altruistically by Cuban professionals—simply because the U.S. government opposes such cooperation. This occurs regardless of the impact or harm inflicted upon populations left without free, high-quality medical care—deprived, in other words, of a fundamental human right. Last Thursday, while this General Assembly was in session, the State Department convened a humiliating meeting specifically with recipient States to exert pressure and issue threats.
As described by the Secretary of State, the official policy of the United States is to shut off every valve, outlet, or means of survival for Cuba.
The impact of such an ironclad and ruthless blockade has a human face. This economic war is directed against the people; it falls upon the Cuban population as a whole. It claims lives, causes individual and collective suffering, and breeds anguish. It is not "collateral damage." It is a policy deliberately designed to strike Cuban families where it hurts most, to hinder their well-being, and to wound the dignity of the people.
It is an act of collective punishment—a crime also prohibited under international humanitarian law. The evident and immediate goal is to trigger a humanitarian crisis in Cuba, which also constitutes a crime.
The United States government and the State Department have been forced to acknowledge the suffering inflicted, yet they have the shamelessness and cynicism to insist on blaming the Cuban government. The executioner blames the victim.
They are following the formula defined by the State Department back in 1960 in the infamous Mallory Memorandum, which established—and maintains to this day—the official policy of overthrowing the Cuban government through economic strangulation and by inflicting extreme suffering on the people via material shortages, hunger, and despair.
Just a few days ago, the President of the United States declared from this very podium that Cuba is a failed state. If that were the case, why did they have to impose a fuel blockade? Why did they implement secondary sanctions? Why must they threaten, persecute, and pressure every nation on the planet? The U.S. President also acknowledged that his government is exerting the greatest pressure ever placed on Cuba. Months earlier, he had said—and I quote—"the only thing left to do is go in and smash the place up."
The threat of using military force against Cuba persists—conduct that constitutes a violation of international law and a grave breach of the San Francisco Charter.
If it were to materialize, it would constitute a crime of immense magnitude. It would result in the deaths of Cubans and young Americans, as well as massive destruction. We hope it never happens. Cuba would exercise its legitimate right to self-defense with the utmost determination and energy. This aggression is accompanied by a brutal media and cognitive war, directed not only against the Cuban people but also against U.S. citizens and global public opinion. It is characterized by crude and brazen attempts to interfere in Cuba’s internal affairs—which constitutes yet another international crime.
We are asked what the United States seeks to achieve with such aggressive conduct—a question that often surprises us, given that representatives of that government have openly declared their objective: to seize Cuba, control the country, and dominate its economy. In other words, they aim to nullify—through aggression and economic strangulation—the national sovereignty for which generations of Cubans have fought since the 19th century: first to achieve it, and—since attaining full freedom in 1959—to tenaciously defend it against the gravest risks, including the threat of a holocaust.
U.S. behavior rests on the fallacy—proclaimed early this year—that Cuba poses an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States; an absurdity that the government repeats shamelessly. In a futile attempt to substantiate this claim, it floods the media with mendacious accusations through its spokespersons and the publications it commissions and pays for, exploiting the U.S. government's growing dominance over major communication platforms. The U.S. President himself repeated this fallacy in this very chamber just a few days ago.
Any reasonably informed observer understands the fanciful and malicious nature of portraying a developing nation like Cuba—relatively small and with a modestly performing economy—as a threat to the planet's greatest nuclear, military, technological, and economic power.
This Organization and its Member States possess abundant evidence that we are a peace-loving country, of Cuba’s efforts to foster international cooperation, understanding, and the peaceful settlement of disputes, and of the active role we have consistently played in support of the United Nations.
Cuba is not a threat; the blockade is!
Cuba is not a threat; the blockade is!
We have always been—and remain—willing to engage in dialogue with the United States government to seek solutions to bilateral differences based on seriousness, respect, sovereign equality, and adherence to international law, without interference in internal affairs or preconditions. We are open to trade and business relations with U.S. companies, just as we are with those of any other country.
We are fully aware of the immense challenge facing our nation regarding its security, its survival, the well-being of its people, and the destiny of the Homeland. We do not face this challenge passively; we do so with firmness and dignity.
On this basis, we are advancing a process of change—one that is deeply transforming our economic and social model—anchored in our historical experience.
On July 30th, during the Seventh Session of the National Assembly of People's Power, President Miguel Díaz-Canel stated: "Faced with the complex scenario I have described, how do we persist in building socialism? How do we find the financial and material resources to maintain the Revolution's social achievements? Just as in previous, particularly complex periods—such as the Special Period, when the economic model was transformed under the guidance of the Commander-in-Chief and subsequently the leadership of the Army General to adapt to challenging external circumstances—in the current context, we have set out to undertake the transformations the moment demands. We are doing so under the guidance of the Party, in a collective and democratic manner, and in consultation with the people, without compromising independence, national sovereignty, or the social achievements of the Revolution." End quote.
At that session, the National Assembly of People's Power approved an innovative program featuring new practices, economic actors, and concepts. All of this is being carried out within the framework of the current Constitution—approved in a free and universal referendum—and in keeping with the concept of our socialist state based on the rule of law and social justice.
As the leader of the Cuban Revolution, Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, pointed out—and I quote—: "The most important thing will be proper and timely implementation, with clearly defined priorities and the conscious participation of the people." End quote.
This process rests on the strength we have successfully built, the potential of our human resources, and the determination to meet the people's needs with the greatest possible social justice, without wavering in our commitment to defend—absolutely and vigorously—our sovereignty and right to self-determination.
We know we have the backing of the international community and the solidarity of millions, including an increasing number of U.S. citizens. This is evident in the repeated displays and statements of support for Cuba and of opposition to abusive aggression. It is expressed in the material aid based on solidarity that our people receive, which seeks to mitigate the enormous damage to the Cuban economy and society.
That spirit of solidarity and empathy is also expressed with particular strength among Cubans residing—permanently or temporarily—outside the national territory, and among their descendants, especially here in the United States.
Mr. President:
We reject the Monroe Doctrine and its corollaries, just as we repudiate any attempt at militarization, intervention, or imperialist domination in Latin America and the Caribbean—a region proclaimed a Zone of Peace in 2014, precisely in Havana.
As a small island developing state, we stand in solidarity with our brothers and sisters who share a similar status, and with their warnings regarding the worrying and inexorable advance of climate change.
It is necessary to foster more inclusive governance of new information and telecommunications technologies, particularly disruptive technologies such as artificial intelligence.
We reject the application of unilateral coercive measures. We express our support and solidarity with each and every nation that is a victim of them.
We reaffirm our solidarity with the Government of Reconciliation and National Unity of Nicaragua.
We reiterate our support for the inalienable right of the people of Puerto Rico to self-determination and independence.
The sister nations of Africa and the Caribbean deserve fair and differentiated treatment, as well as reparations for the horrors of colonialism and the transatlantic slave trade.
We reaffirm our solidarity with the Sahrawi people and their right to self-determination.
We reaffirm our support for the "One China" principle.
We are convinced that the current course of international relations—characterized by disrespect for international law, disregard for the United Nations, and the imposition of the unilateral will of the most powerful upon other countries through intimidation and coercion—is dangerous and unsustainable. The law of the jungle cannot be the future of humanity.
It was to prevent such practices, and to promote peace and justice, that the generations before us founded the United Nations and, over the decades, developed and sought to enrich its work. Let us restore its role—while there may still be time—before the United Nations goes down in history as an unrealized dream of great promises.
In the year of his centenary, let us trust—as did Fidel Castro Ruz, the historic leader of the Cuban Revolution—that if we fight with determination, a better world will be possible.
Homeland or Death!
We shall overcome!
