Newsweek: You’ve confirmed that the U.S. and Cuba are in talks currently, and you've proposed areas of cooperation such as science, migration, anti-drug trafficking measures. President Trump appears to seek regime change. Do you believe that compromise is possible, and that diplomacy could prevail?
Díaz-Canel: I think that dialogue is possible, and I think we can achieve some agreements, but it is difficult. Why can we say these two things?
We can have a dialogue because throughout all the years of the revolution, there has always existed on Cuba's part a willingness to maintain a civilized, neighborly relationship with the United States, regardless of our ideological differences.
There are many common areas in which we can work, and not only could we work, but we could reach agreements beneficial to both peoples and both nations.
But we've always maintained that it has to be a respectful dialogue on equal footing, with respect to our sovereignty, to our political system, our self-determination and on the basis of reciprocity and compliance with international law.
I also tell you that dialogue is possible because at different times other U.S. administrations, we've been able to engage in dialogue, and we have been able to discuss topic of common interest. In some cases, we've been more successful than others. But these two reasons explain why there is a possibility.
On the other hand, which are the things that make this dialogue more difficult? First of all, in the United States, in the U.S. society, there are some sectors who are very against any kind of dialogue with Cuba.
Also, this is an asymmetrical relationship between Cuba and the United States, the power which is the United States has always played the role of an aggressor, and the small island of Cuba has always been the nation and the country that has been under this aggression.
We have often held conversations and reached agreements, and Cuba has always fulfilled its commitments. But on several occasions, the United States government has failed to honor its commitments.
But on the other hand, for 67 years there has existed, emanating from the United States, a policy of hostility, aggression, and threats, a policy of blockade, of intensified blockade, and now, even more severely intensified with the cruel energy blockade.
It is obvious that our country is experiencing a multidimensional aggression on the part of the United States, with a devastating effect on the lives of the people.
And, on the other hand, there are the current actions of the United States government—proposing supposed talks with other nations, only to subsequently attack those nations. And all of this undoubtedly creates a state of mistrust among our people.
But I do believe that we can engage in dialogue and negotiations for agreements. We can reach agreements on issues such as migration, security, the environment, science and innovation, trade, education, culture, and sports. We can also have investments from U.S. firms in Cuba, and we can develop trade between both countries.
And we can also have programs on projects of mutual benefits in several areas of our economy. And if the dialogue is consolidated and agreements are reached within this sphere and we can have agreements in these areas, I am certain that these will be mutually beneficial agreements for both nations and both peoples.
And this would allow us to take firm steps in creating spaces of understanding that would move us away from confrontation. Because what I believe is that the Cuban and American people deserve to be able to work in a climate of peace, friendship and cooperation rather than engaging in a war.
Newsweek: You mentioned that this American administration has a precedent of entering into military action amid negotiations. We've seen that both in the cases of Iran and Venezuela, and President Trump has said that Cuba may be next in some of his statements. If diplomacy fails or doesn't get the desired results, are you concerned about a potential U.S. military operation against Cuba? Is there a strategy to defend against that?
Díaz-Canel: Cuba is not a country of war. It is a country of peace that is promoting solidarity and cooperation. But Cuba does not fear war. We have a defense doctrine that is called the “war of all the people,” which is not an aggressive doctrine, but rather a defensive one, with the participation of all the people.
Cuba does not pose a threat to the United States—and much less an "extraordinary and unusual" threat, as has been alleged as a pretext for the executive order. And I do not assert this merely as a response to your question, but rather because Cuba has demonstrated it throughout its history in the context of the United States and the world.
Therefore, there is no pretext, no excuse, for the United States to resort to military aggression as a way out to resolve our differences.
However, constantly, and especially in recent months and weeks, there has been all this rhetoric from an official representative of the United States government announcing military aggression against Cuba, establishing deadlines for how long will the Cuban Revolution last and setting dates until how long we are going to resist before they take us over.
And there is a phrase that is very, very exemplary, highly illustrative, of that ultraconservative mindset. This is when they say, "We have applied every possible pressure against Cuba"- thereby acknowledging that a brutal blockade did indeed exist, which they now deny- and then immediately follow up by saying, “therefore, our only remaining option is to take over and obliterate it.”
It is an entirely bellicose and aggressive stance and far removed from what we proposed in our discussions with the United States. Therefore, we bear the responsibility of preparing ourselves for the defense of the country.
This is not the first time in our history; for 67 years, the possibility of aggression, of a military threat, has always been present.
And that is why we prepare for defense- not to attack, but to defend- and so that this preparation for defense, this firmness, this readiness on the part of the people to defend the revolution, to defend our sovereignty and to defend our independence may also serve to avoid confrontation.
For those of us who lead, for those of us entrusted with leadership responsibilities within the revolution, our commitment lies with the people and with the Cuban Revolution, with its work, with the sovereignty, and with the independence of the country.
Consequently, this carries with it the implicit conviction that we are prepared to give our lives for the revolution- for its life, for its sovereignty, and for its independence. We are not concerned for our personal safety.
We will always strive to avoid war. We will always work for peace. But if military aggression occurs, we will fight back, we will battle, we will defend ourselves, and should we fall in battle, to die for the homeland is to live.
What we need to do then is to prepare the country in order to avoid an aggression and to prepare the country for its military defense because what concerns us is the destiny of our people and the future of the Cuban nation.
Also, I can state with absolute certainty and honesty that a military action against Cuba- aside from being a highly embarrassing situation- would result in immense losses for both nations and peoples. The loss of life and material destruction would be incalculable. Such an act of aggression would be extremely costly in every respect, and it is not what our peoples deserve.
I reaffirm to you that our peoples deserve peace, the ability to live in an atmosphere of friendship, to engage in cooperation and to enjoy complete freedom to forge a genuine, neighborly relationship.
I believe that this is what is truly constructive, and that this is what truly offers an emancipatory vision regarding the possibility of resolving bilateral differences through dialogue.
Newsweek: Given the methods that this administration has employed against foreign countries, you are not concerned about your own personal safety and freedom, or efforts to find collaborators within the Cuban government right now?
Díaz-Canel: As I said in the beginning, I am not concerned about my personal safety. The leadership of the Cuban state, party and the revolution is collective. And decisions are made collectively.
We operate on the basis of a monolithic unity, an ideological cohesion, and a revolutionary discipline. Furthermore, there is a broad connection with the people, as well as popular participation in decision-making regarding the fundamental processes that are undertaken.
Therefore, the country's security is also a collective construct in which there is a fundamental protagonist: the people, acting and standing guard. And when this occurs, betrayal becomes extremely difficult. It becomes extremely difficult for anyone to successfully forge a parallel agreement that undermines our constitutional order, or that threatens the country's sovereignty and independence. Therefore, I believe that there's no room for that.
And above all, taking into account the capacity of our people to resist and fight back, I don't believe that comparisons with what has happened in other countries are appropriate. It would be disregarding the history of the Cuban Revolution and the history of our people, it would be disregarding the strength of our institutions and it would be disregarding our own unity.
Newsweek: Looking back 67 years since the revolution, a lot has changed in Cuba, as we discussed earlier, but the Communist Party is still in power. Looking at the state of the country today, how do you evaluate the lasting success of this ideology and whether it remains the best guarantee for the future livelihood of the Cuban people?
Díaz-Canel: That is a very interesting question, and it's very difficult to answer in a very short time.
I feel satisfaction and admiration for the role that the Communist Party of Cuba has played in 67 years. And it doesn't mean that we were entirely complacent, but for 67 years, under a permanent aggression, subjected to sanctions, to coercive measures, to a policy of maximum pressure, to a blockade, to an intensified blockade, and now, an energy blockade, that party has been capable of leading as the guiding force of our society, and alongside, the state, the government and the people, has been able to lead the process of socialist construction of our Revolution.
And viewed from any perspective, the Cuban Revolution, under those conditions and under the leadership of that party, has achieved highly significant accomplishments that cannot be denied if assessed honestly, even by those who are opposed to the revolution and its ideology.
A country under those conditions and under the leadership of that party was able to fight a battle and eradicate illiteracy. And decades later, thanks to a Cuban pedagogical method called “Yes I Can,” four more Latin American countries were able to eradicate illiteracy. Today, that method is applied in many communities and regions across various countries of the Global South.
That Revolution has managed, under conditions of a blockade, which is extremely difficult, to implement and maintain a free, universal healthcare system that reaches everyone, which has made it possible to treat the Cuban population and eliminate diseases that existed before the revolution and improve all health indicators and bring ourselves up to the level of major global powers.
And not only that, we have built up a wealth of human resources in the field of healthcare that has enabled us to provide assistance rooted in solidarity to other countries around the world.
Likewise, we have an education system that guarantees free, inclusive education for all, from primary school through university, including postgraduate studies and doctorates.
We have been able to cultivate significant human resources; we have been able to develop science and innovation. Cuba's advances in the biotechnology and pharmaceutical industries are well known. During COVID, we were among the few countries that were able to manufacture their own vaccines effectively.
Sport is a right of the entire population. Our athletic achievements, at both the Olympic and global levels, are well known. Despite its small size, Cuba is one of the countries boasting the best ratios of Olympic medals per capita.
Culture is championed as a heritage of humanity; it is part of our identity, and cultural activity is within everyone's reach.
The productive infrastructure across all sectors of the economy has undergone a transformation. Digital transformation has been driven forward through the use of artificial intelligence. An energy transition has been promoted to shift toward renewable energy sources.
More than 32 social programs are administered to address situations of vulnerability among individuals, families, and communities. Individuals with disabilities are attended to in a differentiated manner.
Social justice, equity and participation have been achieved. We have been able to offer solidarity. We have a system of international relations that enables us to engage in extensive exchange with the international community.
These reasons, and many others, have generated a feeling of admiration for Cuba in many areas of the global population as well as a recognition of the work of that party, the achievements of the Revolution and the heroism of the Cuban people which has been its main protagonist, because the party members and the party leadership are part of the Cuban people and the work of the Revolution has been recognized by that people.
That said, we feel no complacency regarding what has been achieved; indeed, the satisfaction I express to you regarding the party’s work over these years- carried out under difficult conditions- rests not solely on the achievements of the revolution, but, above all, on having been able to keep the revolution alive amid these circumstances.
Yet, it is only natural that we cannot feel entirely satisfied, for we have not yet been able to realize everything we have dreamed of and envisioned as a nation. We have things to conquer, to perfect, and to advance in, areas where the blockade plays a fundamental role in what afflicts us and what holds us back.
It is an acknowledgment that we cannot feel complacent about the situation we are currently experiencing- one marked by so many deprivations and so many difficulties in life. And here lies that relationship between satisfaction and complacency.
On the one hand, I acknowledged that we were able to implement a high-quality, free, universal healthcare system. Yet, despite possessing these healthcare and service capabilities today, more than 90,000 Cubans are on a waiting list for surgical operations, including more than 11,000 children.
And that hurts, because we have the capacity to do it, but the blockade prevents us from obtaining the supplies and having the energy needed to carry out an operation of that magnitude.
We are not complacent either with the mistakes we have made, or with the self-critical analyses we have conducted. And we are not complacent because we revolutionaries always possess a vocation for perfection, for advancing, for consolidating, and for improving.
But I can summarize by saying that, yes, I feel pride and satisfaction, because that party has stood the test of time, thanks to the achievements of the Cuban Revolution.
And I insist, this is a source of tremendous pride, and of deep respect for that heroic people who face adversity every single day- and not only do they face it, they rise to the occasion in the face of it.
Newsweek: Under these adverse conditions, how long do you believe Cuba can sustain itself realistically and what is your message to your opponents, including many Cubans Americans, who feel this is the opportunity for a regime change moment in your country?
Díaz-Canel: There is a lot of media manipulation and a lot of pressure. We are currently facing a war that is ideological, cultural, and media-driven. There is a massive media intoxication. A great deal of hatred has been sown, especially on digital networks.
Yet we continue battling, dreaming and remaining committed to the continuous improvement of our process of socialist construction, always driven by the pursuit of social justice and undergoing ceaseless moments of transformation rooted in the critical and self-critical analysis undertaken by our people and our institutions, and spearheaded by the party.
And oftentimes, these transformations are not known in the United States, or these transformations are denied or they are not reported.
But, for example, right now we are carrying out transformations in the system for managing the economy in order to achieve the right balance between centralization and decentralization and the right balance between planning and market.
We are proposing to undertake a restructuring of the entire state administrative, business, and institutional apparatus. We are proposing to advance greater autonomy for the state enterprise system. We have approved measures that enable the creation of economic partnerships between the state sector and the private sector.
The participation and growth of the private sector in our economy have expanded significantly in recent years.
We are also strengthening the autonomy of the municipalities and the formation of local productive systems capable of boosting the prosperity of municipalities by leveraging their capabilities.
We have updated and eased the regulations for foreign direct investment in Cuba. We are encouraging closed-loop funding schemes for foreign currency. We have opened new avenues for the participation of Cubans residing abroad in our socio-economic development program.
We are refining the appropriate relationships that must exist between the state and non-state sectors of the economy.
We are driving a profound energy transition oriented toward renewable energy sources. We are boosting food production in the country to achieve food sovereignty, improving our banking and financial system and always with a focus on how we address vulnerabilities and how we reduce and mitigate any existing social inequalities without, moreover, renouncing solidarity-based assistance, collaboration and cooperation with other countries.
We are involved in all of this; we are dreaming of all of this; and in all of this, we are striving to implement measures for improvement. And we are confident that we can do it.
What we need is to be left alone. I always wonder, if the United States believes the Cuban economy is so frail and we are so incapable, if they believe that our model is so bad, why, for 67 years, has the United States persisted in spending millions of dollars from its taxpayers' funds to blockade us, to subvert us, and to attack us? If we are so incapable, why don’t they allow us to fail on our own?
Or are they so afraid of the example of what we might do and achieve if we were not under a blockade, taking as a baseline everything we have managed to accomplish even while under the blockade?
That is the sentiment in a country where more than 80% of the population was born after the revolution. My generation was born under the blockade, our children were born under the blockade, our grandchildren have been born under the blockade, and we all continue to live under that blockade.
What would Cuba be like if it harnessed its full potential and how much could Cuba contribute to the rest of the world, were it not for that blockade?
A brief anecdote and excuse me for taking this time. Throughout the entire week, I've been engaged in an exchange with Cuban scientists to address specific issues in science and innovation, with the aim of solving our problems.
In recent days, a group of scientists presented the results of a Cuban medication currently under development to combat Alzheimer's. Part of the clinical trial has been conducted using U.S. patients from a clinic in Colorado. You have to see the video, it’s on social media, what the director of the clinic said has to say regarding his patients' results with that medication.
The results are superior to those of all traditional medications. He acknowledges the potential of this innovation developed by Cuba, just as he recognizes how vital it would be if we could pursue this work in a more cooperative and broad-based manner, rather than under the constraints imposed by the blockade. In fact, he condemns the blockade.
That is the future we are betting on, the future that we want and the future that I'm sure we can achieve.
